Yeah, well, and the study of people that, you know, don't have partners or children, these nuclear families, it goes back, you know, decades. For example, there, they used to be known as "elder orphans" was a term that was often used in the literature. They don't use the term "elderly" in gerontology anymore at all. It paints people as being frail just because they're of an older age. And we see that healthy longevity is is increasing, people are living longer lives with sort of a healthy quality of life. There was a lot of work maybe in the 80s and 90s, a lot of qualitative work on people who might have been at that time characterized as "elder orphans." This term "kinless" wasn't as strong back then or just referring to you know, unpartnered or unmarried and childless, and there wasn't as much quantitative work on this. It wasn't necessarily highlighted. We've always had people that are looking at childlessness, or you know, marital disruption or being unpartnered, but putting these two things together in terms of thinking about it as a particular group of focus has been, you know, kind of waned in and out of focus. In let's see, probably around the year 2010 or so this became a bit more of a focus for demographers. And demographers use, of course, primarily quantitative data. There are a couple of really great studies that came out in big prominent journals, by some wonderful scholars a couple of which that are friends of mine, where they really documented some of the risks associated being this group. And so of course, we do find that in the United States, and people who don't have partners or don't have children, they might be more likely to be in poverty or have, you know, poor health and old age, different things like that. But this was sort of these kind of just sort of basic national profiles. And I think the the details, as you were mentioning, is a lot more nuanced than that. So there's been more of an explosion, like I said, of kind of looking country by country. What we've been doing with a number of different projects is we've got a lot of papers that are out there doing these sort of national profiles and looking at health outcomes and things in a single country. But my team and I have always thought there's a lot more, the devils in the details on this, for example, and finally, there's some more data available to really be able to test this. So there's a study in the United States called the Health and Retirement Study. And what they've done is created sister studies across the globe in over 30 different countries. So they replicated studies of older adults, people aged 50 or older in some countries, 60 year older and they've been replicating this basic study from the United States across all these other different regions. Now, it's not inclusive of the globe because at the low income countries, it takes a lot of money to have a survey like this. So we've got some big gaps in knowledge in some of our most needed areas. But these studies were being collected, and then probably around maybe, I think it was 2015 or so, a group out of University of Southern California got a grant to create a database that helps link these up more carefully. So I used the US survey and the European survey in my dissertation work, and was working on linking up some of these, but thank goodness, they got this big grant to create this massive database that offers code to help us link it up, guidance, surveys. It's called the Gateway to Global Aging. I'll include the link when we when we talk about it. So it has data on it's not ideal for studying social networks, necessarily,. The European study has a lot more. But it's a massive, massive effort across all these different countries, we can at least look at their partnership status, their their family status. And we've been working to kind of test some of these assumptions. Like we were saying before, there's a sort of often a catastrophic narrative about this big boom in the aging population of this big group that won't have partners or children. But we wanted to see well, so there's often an assumption that they're going to be always worse off in all conditions, right. And this is something we really wanted to test empirically. And it had no,t has not been tested empirically across a wide range of countries, and that's one of the goals of my research is to really document that. So we're finding that a lot of sort of family based assumptions that people have about I think that family based models dominate our way of thinking about older adults. Our healthcare procedures designed that there'll be somebody there to help implement this care at home, and it's just simply not the case for everybody. So you know, there's a big assumption that living with children is beneficial to you when you're an older adult. that living with your child is really important. But this is a very, very cultural phenomenon. And in some countries, it's not something that the older adult wants to do, especially in Northern and Western Europe, and sometimes in the United States. In some regions of the globe, it's absolutely normative and it's what the older adult desires. In other countries, they only do it if they financially have to, or have to because of health declines. And so it's not their first choice, it's not something that makes them happy to have to do right. Other things that we see is that people will prefer that the family care for older people. I see a lot of variety across the globe, that people you know, a lot of people want more government support, they might want more private options. Maybe they don't want their children giving them their most intimate kind of care as they age and become vulnerable. They'd actually rather pay a staff person or somebody, you know, a medical professional to do that for them, rather than have their child do that work. So that's not something that's universal across the globe, we find that there's a lot of assumptions that people who don't have children are in poorer health. We find a lot of variation across the globe. Sometimes people without children have better health. There's a lot of economic strain associated with having children and sometimes psychological strain. Sometimes we find it's more economically privileged groups that don't have children in certain countries. Another one we looked at recently was looking at loneliness during COVID. We did not find that so called "kinless" older adults were more lonely during COVID than anybody else.